2014年11月5日 星期三

OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 39 (05-11-2014)




Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting, an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.

OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 39: Full coverage of the day’s events





Plan for Legco by-elections as 'referendum' on reform looks a non-starter

Student leaders' call for 'de facto referendum' has pan-dems in dilemma over possible outcome
PUBLISHED : Wednesday, 05 November, 2014, 3:36am




A proposal to trigger Legco by-elections as a "de facto referendum" to break the impasse of the Occupy movement is unlikely to go ahead.
The idea, floated by student leaders of the protest movement, has not been welcomed by pan-democratic lawmakers, who are either unsure of their chances of being re-elected or fret over what to do with the voting results.
With the government showing no sign of compromise on electoral reform, student leaders such as Alex Chow Yong-kang and Joshua Wong Chi-fung have said that by-elections would serve as a way to take the movement to the next level.
"The elections will be an opportunity to reach out to those outside the occupation zones, and to educate the public about our cause and the reform," Chow said. Wong's Scholarism, meanwhile, has held discussions with the crowd in Admiralty for the past three nights.
The students propose that either one or five lawmakers resign to trigger a by-election or by-elections, with the main campaign theme whether the government should restart public consultation on electoral reform.
There are two ways to trigger a city-wide vote. Under the first, five legislators, one from each geographical constituency, would resign. Under the second, one of the five lawmakers holding a "super seat", for whom 3.2 million voters would be eligible to vote, would stand down.
Some legislators share the students' vision, such as Labour Party chairman Lee Cheuk-yan, who said he "tended to support" triggering a de facto referendum.
"I agree it would be a valuable opportunity for us and students to work closely together," he said. "The students have told us they would be willing to woo voters."
But Lee said he and some colleagues were also struggling to answer a question: what if the voting results are not favourable?
"We should be bound by the results if we say it is a referendum. But if the turnout is low, should we accept the reform framework laid down by Beijing?"
Even if politicians are ready to be bound by the results, most worry about the risks of them being absent from the chamber, especially if five resign.
Lawmaker Tam Yiu-chung, chairman of the Beijing-loyalist Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, said if five pan-democrats resigned, the pro-establishment camp would use the opportunity to pass motions to avoid filibustering. At present, pan-democrats hold a bare majority in the geographical constituencies necessary to block such proposals.
Noting such risks, pan-democrats have focused on the second option for triggering a vote. But the Democratic Party, which holds two "super seats" and has been identified as the target, is negative about taking this route.
Democrat Sin Chung-kai said there was no certainty of pan-democrats winning back a "super seat", partly because supporters in functional constituencies such as those for education, legal and health services would not be eligible to vote.
Sin said that while pan-democrats won three of the five new "super seats" in the 2012 election, they only won narrowly. They gained about 800,000 votes, while three slates fielded by pro-establishment groups and independent Pamela Peck Wan-kam took 780,000 votes. Another 80,000 votes were invalid.
Sin is unsure how those whose votes were invalid would vote in a by-election.
The ultimate issue for the pan-democrats, said Chinese University political scientist Ivan Choy Chi-keung, is to decide whether they want to be bound by the results of the vote.
"You can always say grand things on how to carry on a social movement. But if you don't respect the voting results, you will only lose the public's faith."




Chris Patten admits Britain did poor job in introducing democracy to Hong Kong

PUBLISHED : Wednesday, 05 November, 2014, 3:36am




Former governor Chris Patten told a parliamentary inquiry into Hong Kong's political development yesterday that the British government had not done a good enough job in introducing democracy to the city before the handover.
But he argued that in the 1990s, the general feeling in Hong Kong was that the city would move steadily towards full democracy and that no one would "feel that the People's Liberation Army would come with tanks into Hong Kong".
Patten was giving evidence at a session of the Foreign Affairs Committee, which launched the inquiry to coincide with the 30th anniversary of the Sino-British Joint Declaration that set out the terms of Hong Kong's return to Chinese sovereignty.
"Our introduction of democracy, if I could put it politely, is not a good one," Patten said. But he was satisfied that the Joint Declaration was the best deal that London could have made with China.
On Occupy Central, Patten said he hoped the Hong Kong government could be more flexible and try to reach a deal with the protesters. "What is happening in Hong Kong is that there is an extraordinary lack of leadership. [The government] needs to get into serious negotiation with the protesters."
Yesterday's session followed one in July, when former chief secretary Anson Chan Fang On-sang and veteran Democrat Martin Lee Chu-ming were invited to testify during their visit to London. At that time, the pair said that if Hong Kong was not granted universal suffrage there would be a real danger it could become ungovernable, which would be a shameful outcome for both Britain and China.
Political commentator Johnny Lau Yui-siu said democracy activists should not take the committee's inquiry too seriously. "It is just a show," Lau said. "I would be surprised if any foreign country - be it the US or Britain - confronted China over Hong Kong issues at the expense of its own national interest."




Government must tap ideas of Hong Kong's protesting youth to resolve crisis

Stephanie Cheung calls on political leaders to reach out to protesters
PUBLISHED : Wednesday, 05 November, 2014, 2:33pm



A reporter for Radio Sweden recently flew in to report on the "umbrella movement". She said the movement is like a breath of fresh air to many in Europe, where people feel depressed because of failures in government, the economy, education and uprisings in Europe and the Middle East. They are hopeful that Hong Kong, with its "can do" spirit and pragmatism, will show the way in rising above the conflict to arrive at a positive outcome.
The umbrella movement has indeed struck a chord in the hearts of many in and outside Hong Kong, in its striving for a better society that is more honest, fair and kind. However, while such a purpose is highly laudable, the means employed to bring it about have so far been controversial, and threaten to shake the foundations of society.
The protesters are mostly young, idealistic, intelligent and, what's more, willing to serve and sacrifice for a cause they believe in. They love Hong Kong as their home. These are citizens we can be proud of. The only issue is how to harness that energy towards constructing a better future for Hong Kong.
It is time for the government to stop viewing the umbrella protesters as its opponents, but to see them as the city's valuable future assets.
It has been said that to tame a wild horse, there are many things that one can do, including harsh treatment, soft treatment and letting it exhaust itself, but there are two things one must never do. First, never let go of the reins, or the horse will control the rider. Second, never break the horse's spirit, otherwise, you may end up with a tamed horse that will never gallop with the vigour and speed of its full potential.
It would be a mistake for the government to drag out the impasse. Prolonging the stand-off will heighten contradictions within the community, deepen distrust of the authorities, breed cynicism against life, and engender a sense of helplessness antithetical to our "can do" spirit.
Police eviction would be an even bigger mistake, as it would arouse even stronger negative sentiments.
In either case, Hong Kong stands to lose a generation of promising young people, by turning their spring of hope into a winter of despair. The way out is through rapprochement.
The government needs to keep hold of the reins and provide leadership for Hong Kong, instead of relying on the protesters to come up with one list after another of multiple demands. It should seek ways to arrive at a settlement with the protesters. To do this, there must be a willingness to engage, discuss, make compromises and find creative options.
Also, channels should be set up to tap into the talents of our youth, and to address their concerns, both social and political. There is a general feeling among the youth in this movement that no adult can claim to represent them as their plight is ill understood.
Hong Kong needs creative ideas on many matters. If we can channel the fresh outlook of youth to mould our future, then we will reap the benefit of the umbrella movement, instead of just working on snuffing it out.
Options range from forming a youth forum for regular discussions, holding youth camps, appointing a youth minister, to establishing a youth seat in the Legislative Council. The important thing is to engage and discuss, and not stand aloof.
The impasse can be broken with more flexibility from each party. We look to the government to courageously take the initiative to forge a consensus and unity across the community.
Stephanie Cheung participated in the student movements in the 1970s, and is currently a solicitor and mediator, and volunteer in youth work and education
















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